In Memory of James NEELY

Private 475, 'B' Coy, 24/Battalion, 6/Brigade, 2/Division AIF was Killed in Action on Saturday 29 July 1916 at Pozières. Age 30 years 4 months. He Attested on 13 March 1915 in Melbourne aged 29 years 1 month. He was the third son of Charlotte NEELY and the late Ernest Alexander NEELY of 41 Molesworth Street, North Melbourne, Victoria (late 45 Molesworth Street), born 17 February 1886 (Vic BMD 11091/1886). His death is recorded on the Villers Bretonneux Memorial to the Missing, Somme, France. He is not recorded in the AWM' Red Cross Societies records. Right: James Neely probably at his at Attestation With thanks to Vivian Bugden

His service record shows him as being 5 feet 61/8 inches (167.75cm, weighing 9 stone 7 pounds (60.3kg), chest 35-37 inches (90-94cm) with a complexion that can't be decoded, eyes grey and hair dark brown. He had a number of tattoos, possibly two on the arm, one on the right arm and a pear behind the right leg. He was a member of the Church of England and an inkmaker (sic) by trade. Right: Colour patch of 24/Battalion

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Errol Street School

James attended Errol Street School (now North Melbourne Primary School).  Once situated on the main road to the goldfields and was one of the few primary schools close to the city, it dates back to 1874,. In 1872, education for all was introduction for those between six and 15 years, Jack would have been there between 1892 and 1903.

In 1872, there were 4000 eligible children in the Hotham district: Hotham being the original name of the then working class area now known as North Melbourne. Just over one fifth of the local children attended Common School No 206 in Errol Street. It was an overcrowded private school founded by Mrs E Mattingley and her son Mr A Mattingley. Fortunately, a new school was required to State standard sizes and architectural standards at 18 Collins Street, Hotham at a cost of £9751 10 shillings. It was opened on 01 May 1874 as Errol Street School No 1402; described as 'the best school erected by the Education Department' with a seating capacity of 1250. The North Melbourne Advertiser described the building as 'undoubtedly one of the finest in the colony … with handsome stone and brick facing … with nicely varnished and well ventilated ceilings.' However, the school was built in a hollow, the location of a later to be improved drain and swamp. Jack left before the 1908, preliminary renovations were completed to be followed by a request for the removal of the stacked seating galleries.

A large core of pupils, who had enrolled at State School 206, transferred to the 1874 school bringing with them affection for their teachers, a record of steady academic progress and an acceptance of discipline required of those who undertook study under the regime of annual examination.

The school building still exists today, with modifications and extensions, as the only government primary school servicing the North and West Melbourne area.

Source: Errol Street. The first hundred years 1857-1957 by Elaine Warne (Accessed: 01 May 2020)

In 2019, Brigadier Bob Slater AM (Retired) gave the Anzac Day address to North Melbourne Primary School. He told the story of the three Neely brothers and the two Kleeberger brothers who went to war from the school. Brigadier Slater mentioned how on Anzac Day the two who returned would be joyfully reunited with their mates, who were fortunate enough to return home, to a grateful nation. (Source: North and West Melbourne News Winter 2019) Right: A composite image of Errol Street Roll of Honour Source: Elaine Warne

The Errol Street Honour Roll records James working for Mr Crees. (possibly John Samuel Dunning Crees a farmer of Port Douglas, Qld???) in the North Queensland sugar fields for eight years. When he returned to Melbourne he worked for R Collie & Son printing ink manufacturers of 194-6, Little Lonsdale st., Melbourne (Sands & MacDougall 1910) - a thirty minute walk from Molesworth Street.

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24th Battalion - its formation and experiences in Gallipoli

The 24th Battalion was formed in Melbourne in the first week of May 1915 as part of the three battalions of 6th Brigade to be formed in Victoria. So many recruits signed-up that the fourth Victorian 24th Battalion of raw recruits was formed and equipped for embarkation with just over one weeks notice. The headquarters staff came from New South Wales. With the battalion number of 475 James NEELY must have been one of the first 991 Other Ranks who embarked with the 23/Battalion on HMAT A14 Euripides in Melbourne on 08 May 1915.

The War Diaries of September 1915 (Accessed: 26 June 2019) show the Battalion approached Mudros on 02 September 1915 at 6am, landing on 05 September 1915 at 9.30am.

On 07 September 1915 at 09.30pm the transport Partridge landed the Battalion at Anzac. Right: HMS Partridge at East Mudros: a water colour by Frank Mason - IWM

James NEELY's service record (Accessed: 26 June 2019) shows him being taken on Battalion strength in Gallipoli on 19 September 1915. This causes a problem because this was twelve days after the Battalion landed. I would suggest that James was held in Egypt before being transported to Gallipoli as the embarkation roll (Accessed: 26 June 2019) records him as on the original transport of May 1915. He wasn't amongst the first batch of 124 reinforcements who were expected on 29 September 1915. Between the first front line posting and 19 September, 19 deaths were recorded with service numbers between 9 and 1804. Having a low battalion number of 475 confirms James being in the original cohort.

On 09 September 1915 the Battalion began its two day rotation with 23/Battalion between Lonesome Pine - later recorded as Lone Pine - positions and being withdrawn to White('s) Valley to 'rest'. His brother Jack had been killed at Lone Pine a month earlier. Harvey records the cycle experienced by James Neely as:

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18th and 19th - 'Lone Pine.' Sniping, bombing and preparation to meet possible attack. Lieut. Tippet killed, six men wounded
20th - 'White's Valley.'
22nd and 23rd - In 'Lone Pine.' Heavy machine gun damage to our parapets. Three killed, seven wounded.
24th - 'White's Valley.'
26th and 27th - 'Lone Pine.' Mining and counter-mining Enemy blew up tunnel in No. 2 section. New Turkish troops reported opposite our positions. Driving tunnels and forming galleries for offensive and defensive operations.

On 1st October the second batch of reinforcements for the Battalion arrived, and these men were detailed at once for fatigue work on the beach as a process of initiation.

Sickness became more prevalent as the weather became colder, and numbers of men were evacuated to hospital.

On the 4th October we had our first brush with the enemy. The Turks, after a brisk bombardment, made an attack on 'C' bomb pit. A strong party hopped out of their trenches and rushed the lines, but only a few got close and the boys declared not one got away. The fight created quite a stir in the 'Pine', and made the lads keener on their job.

All through November the unpleasant work went on - mining, bombing, sniping and the tiring, unceasing vigil. [...] On the morning of the 29th [...] every conceivable form of explosive the Turks possessed was hurled at us, and it was not before the early afternoon that the strafing stopped. [...] 'D' Coy, holding No. 1 section and 'B' Coy, holding No. 3 section suffered most severely, 'B' Coy's front line being in places entirely obliterated. [Two officer, eleven NCOs and 30 men were killed.] while there was a long list of wounded. [...] The strength of the 24th Battalion was so reduced [...] that men of the 21st Battalion and a whole Battalion of the Seventh Brigade were called in to clear up the lines and strengthen the position.

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Above: Map showing the location of 24th Battalion in Gallipoli Click on the map to open an A4 pdf in a new window

The story of the preparation for the evacuation of Gallipoli are well recorded. The following account, from Harvey whilst specific to 24 Battalion gives no specific reference to 'B' Coy.

Orders for the withdrawal were promulgated on 17th December. It was significant that the Turks began to range on our communications with the heaviest guns yet employed against us. The shells were 12 inch, and were fired from the Goeben, lying in the Straits. To the troops the Peninsula had become the beginning and end of all things, and many a man had given up hope of ever getting away from those uninviting shores. Imagine the excitement and speculation which ensued concerning the possibilities of an evacuation. It subsequently transpired that the first estimate by the staff was that the movement would entail a 20 per cent loss in casualties. This was, after careful consideration, reduced, as an absolute minimum, to nothing less than 10 per cent, of the whole garrison. In the event of being hard pressed, the rearguard had orders to leave any wounded to a party of volunteers from the A.M.C. The wounded and the A.M.C. men would thus be left to the mercy of the enemy. Two hospital tents were allowed to remain for their accommodation.

On the 18th December the whole of the Lone Pine front was taken over by the 24th Battalion, under the command of Lieut-Colonel Watson. The unit was divided into groups to be drawn equally from each company sector. A timetable, as under, was arranged for the withdrawal of the various parties, which were to rendezvous in 'Gun Lane' and be checked, prior to moving down to the beach.

  19 December (War Diary)                   Leave Pine    Arrive    Arrive Watson's 
                                                        rendezvous      Pier
  B2 party (Capt Parkes, (O/C ‘B’ Coy),  
  Lieuts. Akeroyd, Hyndes, Jones, Clark,      11.30p.m.    12a.m.       1a.m.
  and Drummond, and 186 other ranks)

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Right: Watson's Pier Each battalion in the time worked to a similar timetable, so that simultaneously groups of men from all sectors would be converging towards the points of embarkation. It will be seen from the table that more than a third of the garrison at Anzac, already sadly depleted by sickness, wounds, and death, was removed on the night of the 18-19th December. It was from then on that the situation grew precarious, for if 'Abdul' once suspected our intentions it would go hard with the remainder if he attacked in force.

Much concern was caused during the day of the 19th December by the enemy ranging with very heavy artillery on the communications in rear of our line. Knowing from past experience that this ranging was the preliminary to a more severe bombardment and attack, the garrison had an anxious time towards dusk. Fortunately nothing occurred to disturb the plans for the evacuation, though to indicate how fortune favoured us, rumour has it that a terrific barrage was laid down on Lone Pine at daylight next morning.

On account of the proximity of the enemy trenches, elaborate care was taken to prevent any noise which might arouse suspicion. Strips were torn from blankets and bound round the feet, and the bottom of the trenches was carpeted with blankets. Mess tins and any article of equipment likely to rattle were likewise covered. The stealthy and noiseless movements of the men as they glided in and out of the shadows caused by the bright moonlight lent a weird aspect to the scene. Commands were given in hoarse whispers, smoking was prohibited, and strict adherence to the scheduled time was absolutely necessary. […]

The departure of the different parties at the appointed times and the embarkation of the troops on the barges at the beach went on smoothly and without a hitch. Gradually the little garrison was reduced to a mere handful, until everybody had gone but the last party. Lieut. Brinsmead was in charge, and, with the assistance of three signallers kept in touch with the beach by 'phone. Lieut. G. S. McIlroy and Lieut S. G. Savige, with 31 men, were holding the whole of the Brigade sector at Lone Pine […]

The evacuation proceeded so satisfactorily that it was found possible to order the withdrawal of the rearguard at 2.40 a.m., 20 minutes earlier than the appointed time. […]

The total casualties suffered by the Battalion on Gallipoli, in addition to sickness, were about 100 killed and died of illness, etc., and close on 100 wounded.

The parties embarked on the Heroic and landed shortly after day break at Mudros, where they refitted. On 08 January 1916, the Battalion embarked on HMT Minnewaska at Mudros bound for Alexandria en route for the new Australian base at Tel-el-Kebir, disembarking Alexandria two days later.

After a period of further training and defending the Canal, the Battalion disembarked Marseilles, for the Western Front on 30 March 1916.

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The Battle of Pozières and his death - Quotes from Harvey and Bean are in Times Roman and the War Diary in Courier New.

James NEELY, survived Gallipoli but was killed on 29 July 1916, in the variously named 'K'; or Kay Trench with the 24/Battalion at Pozières.

WJ Harvey in The Red and White Diamond, The official history of the 24th Battalion Australian Imperial Force writes an extensive account of the Battle of Pozieres, which includes the action of 'B' Coy and by implication the cause of James Neely's death.

The British offensive, known as 'the big push of 1916' had been launched in the vicinity of Albert on the 1st of July, and when the Australian Corps entered the field here about three weeks later the Boche had been driven back to Pozieres, a distance of about four miles from the starting point. When it is considered that the hammering had been practically incessant, the severity of the struggle and the stubborn resistance of the enemy can be gauged to some extent by the comparatively small area of country regained.

Above: 24/Battalion's approach march to Pozières - Map 27D SE 4 British trenches correct to 14 April 1916 and front line corrected to 17 July 1916 Adapted from: Noel Macwhiter Click on the map to open an A3 landscape in a new window

Wednesday 26 July 1916

The 24th Battalion moved off from Varennes on the 26th at about 4 a.m., and marched to the brickfields on the outskirts of Albert. [The map shows two.] [...]

While we awaited orders to move into action, our surplus kit was handed over to the quartermaster, letters and messages entrusted to the padre, and final touches made to our fighting outfit, leaving us in battle array.

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The First Division had attacked the village of Pozieres on the night of 23rd-24th July, and after stubborn fighting had ousted the enemy from well-fortified positions. The Second Division was now relieving the First, and the broken units which had been through the first Australian engagement on this front were dribbling back past our rendezvous. First-hand information was eagerly sought by our men as to how things were going at the front. There was little need for questioning, however, as the wornout (sic) appearance of the men and their reduced numbers supplied sufficient evidence of the nature of the battle.

On the afternoon of the 26th the Battalion left the brickfield and started for the line. The route lay through the deserted town and over the chalk ridges beyond. A short distance out of Albert we passed the crater formed by the mine exploded under the enemy's line on 1st July. This had been the signal for the commencement of the first attack in the offensive. The crater was about 80 yards in diameter and 50 feet deep, and on this summer day gave forth unpleasant evidence of the number of Germans caught in the eruption. Smashed trenches and defences ran in all directions, but the fact that the Boche had recently been ejected from them was a source of much satisfaction. On all sides the ground was littered with the refuse of a modern 'battlefield and torn by shell's, while numerous wooden crosses bore mute testimony to the struggles and sacrifices of the preceding days.

Above: Sausage Valley, by Frank Crozier, 1919

At dusk we reached Sausage Gully, a valley about 400 yards wide and half a mile long, on the rise at the head of which ran the Contalmaison road. The gully, in addition to being the main avenue for traffic to and from the battle zone at this part of the front, was packed with artillery of every calibre, which kept up a continuous fire on the enemy. It was to this busy spot that the wounded were borne from the front fine by the stretcher bearers and transferred to horse and motor ambulances. The movement of men and transport gave the gully a scene of indescribable activity, and the German artillery fire made it as unhealthy as it was busy.

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Here we learned that the Sixth Brigade was to relieve the Second Brigade, the 22nd and 24th Battalions taking over the firing line. The Brigade sector extended for about 1000 yards in an irregular north-west line from the Pozieres-Bapaume road. On the right of the road the Fifth Brigade were in position, the South Wales Borderers supporting them on the right, while Warwickshire held the line on the left of the Sixth Brigade.

Thursday 27 July 1916

About midnight guides who had been sent down from the units we were relieving reported to take our companies into position, the route being along the Contalmaison road, then turning to the left along a smaller road past the Chalk Pit, across the Pozieres- Bapaume road into Kay [or 'K'] trench, then to the allotted positions. The blackness of the night, brightened only by occasional flares over the firing line in the distance, rendered progress over the debris-strewn and shell-pitted roads slow and laborious. Gas shells falling along the route kept the men putting on and taking off their masks during the first stages of the journey, and as we got nearer the fighting area several casualties were sustained by shell and rifle fire. Fortunately, the enemy fire slackened for an hour or two while the relief was in progress. Nevertheless, the utmost difficulty was experienced by the companies in reaching their respective stations.

Above: The distribution of 24 Brigade during the attack at Pozières 29 July 1916, showing Kay/'K' Trench. 'C' Coy were in reserve. Additional information: Noel Macwhiter

The disposition of our companies was as follows:—'A' Coy (Captain McIlroy), front line from the cemetery to the orchard, linking up with the 22nd Battalion on the right. 'D' Coy (Captain Trew), front line on the left of 'A' Coy, right flank near the village cemetery, left flank on the Courcellete road. A gap between 'A' and 'D' Coy was covered by Vickers machine guns secreted in the cemetery. 'B' Coy (Captain Nicholas) in support. 'C' Coy (Captain Godfrey) in reserve.

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Battalion Headquarters were at 'Gibraltar' and the aid-post in a sunken road in rear of the village.

'A' and 'D' Coy struggled forward in the dark, and they completed the relief of the troops in the front line before daybreak. The 8th Battalion, which the 24th relieved, had a half-dug trench close up to the German line, and the men of 'A' and 'D' Coy had to start on its completion immediately. The Battalion had scarcely got into position when the German 5.9 shells began to crash about us with that ear- splitting sound so well known to all men at the front. The call for stretcher-bearers began with the first shell.

It was daylight before 'B' Coy was in position in Kay Trench, where 'B' Coy of the 22nd Battalion was also posted.

Owing to the nerve-shattered state of the troops going out little information could be gained from them as to the nature of the situation. They had carried out an attack the previous day and had ejected the Hun from the last of his defences in the village. The enemy had retired to a ridge about 350 yards away, and was now occupying a new line of trenches overlooking ours. The only point on which the Second Brigade men laid much emphasis was the probability of strong counter attacks during the day.

Daylight revealed a scene of desolation. The village of Pozieres was no longer in existence, churned-up earth, neaps of powdered masonry and blasted tree stumps alone marking the site. The only structure which had withstood the bombardment was 'Cement House', also known as 'Gibraltar', a former German dugout with a concrete observation post surmounting it, and situated at the entrance to Kay Trench near the Pozieres-Bapaume road. All the surrounding country was in a similar state of upheaval, and was strewn with wreckage, with which was mingled the bodies of many dead.

The enemy did not spare us after daylight revealed our whereabouts. His batteries, which were in great strength on that sector, opened a bombardment on the whole of the Australian positions, and maintained a withering fire for 36 hours. Kay Trench, where our ' B' Coy and also 'B' Coy of the 22nd Battalion were crammed in so tightly that men scarcely had room to move, was in a painfully exposed position. The troops suffered heavily, whole sections being killed, buried or wounded. 'A' Coy's position was less exposed, and they had the advantage of the newly dug trench, which was narrow and winding and therefore a more difficult target for the German gunners, though the first shell to fall on this line killed Lieut. A.J. Kerr. 'D' Coy also suffered heavily.

All day the men were being buried by shell fire and extricated by their comrades. According to Brigade records, at one period of the day casualties on the field were occurring at the rate of 60 per Battalion per hour. The ordeal of holding those ghastly trenches, which appeared to be merely waiting for death, threw many of the men into a shell-shock stupor, and stretcher-bearers who struggled with the wounded had to kick the dazed men to induce them to move out of the way. [...]

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Retaliation was given by our artillery on the enemy's front line, but this did not appear to affect the persistency of the German gunners.

For most of the time our front line was practically isolated, runners and carrying parties finding it extremely difficult to get through, and it was useless to rely on the telephone, for as fast as our gallant signallers repaired the lines they were broken again by shell fire.

The vicinity of Gibraltar was a terrible death trap. It lay right on the route of all movement to and from the lines, and as the shells crashed in salvoes around the structure, men fell right and left. Every track over the remains of the village changed shape a dozen times a day under the deluge of shells that fell there, and men went past Gibraltar and down 'Death road' at the double. Stretcher-bearers with wounded were swallowed up in the inferno, and fatigue parties sometimes had half their numbers cut down getting through.

As a matter of fact, when allotting fatigue parties, the staff counted upon one-third of the men becoming casualties, so that if two-thirds got through, the required quantities of rations and ammunition would be safely delivered at the firing line.

Every foot of the ground was churned over and over by shell fire, and smoke and fumes blurred the field day and night. It was hell in very reality, and men who served there proved that their valour and faithfulness were beyond measure. The Battalion's A.M.C. section rendered faithful service throughout that trying period. The M.O. (Captain T. H. Plant) worked untiringly for two days attending the wounded. Stretcher cases poured in upon the aid post, and walking wounded painfully made their way to the dressing station in a steady stream. [...]

Pozieres provided our regimental stretcher-bearers with a task utterly beyond their powers. Each Battalion went into action with 16 bearers (four per company,). On that field a hundred bearers per Battalion would have been more in keeping with requirements. On the second day only four of our 16 bearers remained in action, the others having being killed or wounded. In the forward trenches the wounded waited hours for removal. Many of the company men helped with the work of rescue, and when our transport section heard of the plight of the troops in the line they immediately volunteered for duty as stretcher-bearers. Although some of them were included among the honoured dead before their task was done, the rest never wavered. Every trip to the aid-post left the bearers fewer in numbers, but they carried on their heroic work with coolness and faithfulness, dressing the wounded under hellish. fire, and then carrying them away with all possible care. Even when shells fell so close that the debris was thrown over them, they went on calmly, having only one thought, namely, the safety of their wounded patients.

The work of regimental stretcher-bearers is not only dangerous, but also the most strenuous duty on a modern battlefield. Some of the bearers at Pozieres, after many hours of unceasing toil, had the muscles of their hands so strained that they could not grip the stretcher handles. Later in the campaign the bearers worked in parties of four and six, and carried the stretchers on their shoulders, but at Pozieres they were fortunate if they could maintain two men per stretcher.

Even the ambulance bearers, who took over the wounded after the regimental bearers had brought them back from the forward positions, found their task almost more than they could cope with.

Bean wrote:

The company of the 22nd in this trench (Kay Trench) lost all its officers and a great part of its men through this bombardment; and so great was the carnage in the 24th that for months afterwards, even when 'K' Sap had been almost obliterated, is course could easily be traced by the half buried bodies with the red and white colours of that battalion still showing on their arms. (Bean Vol.3 chpt XVIII p.616)

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Friday 28 July 1916

Batt in Poziers (sic). A Co Cemetery Trench. B, D Cos Kays Trench. 23Bn to attack at 12.15am ridge N.W. of Poziers. 22Bn in reserve

Orders had been issued on the 27th for an attack to be carried out by the 22nd and 24th Battalions on the night of the 28th-29th July in conjunction with the Seventh Brigade. The objectives of the Sixth Brigade units were the enemy positions along the Courcellete (sic) road on our left and running almost at right angles to the line we then held, while the Seventh Brigade was to capture the trenches to the right of the point where the Courcelette Road intersected the enemy lines on the ridge.

The hostile artillery fire did not abate until the afternoon of the 28th, and the 22nd and 24th Battalions were then found to be so badly shaken and so depleted in numbers that it was decided to entrust their part of the attack to the 23rd Battalion. Two companies of the 24th Battalion ('C' and 'D') and three companies of the 22nd Battalion were detailed to act as reserves.

Saturday 29 July 1916

The battalion War Diary contains four pages of the barest information.

The 6th Brigade War Diary records the Operational Order No 29 for the battle on the 29 July 1916. Its first objectives was the Communication Trench R.34.d to R34.c.22 and its second the ridge R.34.a.9.0½ to R.33.d.8.4½ on a front of 650 yards with no zero time recorded. The 23 Battalion were to carry out the assault supported by a Stokes Mortar with 300 rounds. On arrival at the jump-off line one company of the 24 Battalion were withdrawn to trench X.15.d.63 running north-west. Their ammunition bandoliers and bombs were left in forward dumps. Two companies of the 24 and 22 Battalions formed the brigade reserves to the assaulting troops. ¹

9.30pm A Comp relieved by 23 Bn. 9 pm B Comp relieved by 23 Bn.

The attack was timed for midnight, and prior to that hour the 23rd Battalion took over the line, our 'A' and 'B' Coys. withdrawing to Sausage Gully. Before dawn 'D' Coy was also ordered to retire, and on the night of the 30th 'C' Coy joined the other companies in the gully. Our Lewis-gunners remained to support the attack.

The first objective was captured within minutes, and the second around 12.30 am in most places along the line. The easy access to the front line afforded by Kay Trench allowed the consolidating troops a ready supply of ammunition, bombs and stores. As the German artillery continued to concentrate on halting the attack on the OG lines the attacking force of the 6th Brigade were able to consolidated unmolested by heavy firepower. However, the right flank of the 6th Brigade was not strongly supported by the 7 Brigade, and this newly captured line came under increasing threat from enfilade fire from the direction of the OG lines. ²

Meleah Hampton from the AWM, in her excellent book Attack on the Somme analyses signal traffic at Pozières and Mouquet Farm, writes:

The attack - 29 July 1916

In the last few hours of 28 July 1916, all battalions seem to have arrived in position in good time and in good order, notwithstanding the problems associated with finalising preparations under such heavy artillery fire. It was a difficult and complicated task to assemble battalions of as many as 1,000 men in forward lines at the right time, all the while in the dark under fire, and so what seems to be only a small success should be emphasised. In part this was the result of battalions sending company commanders to visit the ground over which the attack was to take place, to ensure they were as familiar with the ground as possible. At 12.14am on 29 July the artillery, too, proved able to begin its barrage on time. It went on to make all its projected lifts on time and without problems. But the infantry operation that followed at 12.15am did not succeed. On the left the 6th Brigade [including 24/Bn] made some gains, but the assaults of both the 7th Brigade in the centre and the 5th Brigade on the right failed completely, and with heavy casualties. The 7th Brigade's attack was the main thrust of the entire operation. When this central assault began to fail, the progress of the supporting attack by the 6th Brigade on the left faltered, and only partial success was achieved. On the right, where even more problems were encountered with intact wire and alert enemy fire, the 5th Brigade failed even to reach the first objective. So what went wrong?

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One of the first indications of trouble came from the Germans. Their unceasing fire soon made it clear that most of the Australian forces forming up in the forward lines had been discovered by German observers in advanced listening posts. This was evident all along the line. On the far left, 6th Brigade headquarters reported that the Germans 'were well aware of our attack from the first' and 'the first wave moved forward preceded by patrols under heavy machine gun fire, rifle and shrapnel fire, while a large number of flares were used by the enemy'. In the centre, the 7th Brigade found that 'while waiting to advance there were indications that the enemy had his suspicions aroused'. As they advanced the Germans 'met them with flares and heavy m[achine] g[un] fire from five to eight minutes before 12.15am'. The 26th Battalion reported that 'enemy flares were sent up continuously from 11.42pm onwards and that it was impossible to move without being seen'. Only one battalion, the 25th, reported that they had assembled undetected. All along the rest of the line the alerted Germans let off a large number of flares and put assaulting troops under unceasing fire. Fortunately, in most cases this fire did not have much practical effect on either the 6th or 7th Brigades, because it was generally too high to find a target among the infantry, and was as such more a nuisance. Nevertheless, it was a dangerous indicator that the German defenders would be alert and ready as the operation went ahead.

Sunday 30 July 1916

4am D Comp relieved by 23 Bn.

A narrative of the approach march and battle experience

Edgar John Rule’s diary records his experiences at Pozieres. His journey starts at the same Brickyards with an approach march through Sausage Valley to the front line adjacent to Pozieres churchyard and to ‘K’ or Kay Trench. He records features and experiences shared by James Neely. Edgar John Rule fought with 14/Battalion ³ from the 8th Reinforcements in Gallipoli, rising from to the rank of captain at the end of the war. CEW Bean praised and used his diary.

Pozieres had been taken by the 1st Division, and now the 2nd was going to attack the ridge. When the 2nd Division relieved it, the 1st came back through Warloy. They came by one morning fairly early, having spent the night around Albert and Senlis. Although we knew it was stiff fighting, we had our eyes opened when we saw these men march by. Those who watched them will never forget it as long as they live. They looked like men who had been in hell. Almost without exception each man looked drawn and haggard, and so dazed that they appeared to be walking in a dream, and their eyes looked glassy and starey. Quite a few were silly, and these were the only noisy ones in the crowd. Their appearance before they had a night's sleep and clean-up must have been twice as ill as when we saw them. We noticed that they had lost a lot of men - some companies seemed to have been nearly wiped out, and then again others seemed as if they had not fared quite so badly. In all my experience I've never seen men so shaken up as these. […] Pozieres was easily the worst battering we ever had to stand.

[…] At last we arrived at the Brickfields and camped on the top of a hill. Next day we saw our shells bursting on the Hun's front lines, so we must have been within sight of him.

[…] Next day we lay around until just after midday, when we got moving. We went through Albert, over Tara Hill, and headed for Sausage Valley.

[…] Sausage Valley was a famous place in those days, being the main avenue of approach to a great part of the left of the Somme fighting front. I remember it as a long, narrow valley, two or three hundred yards across; by the number of guns all along it, it must have been the best hiding-place for artillery in this part of the field. Nearly everyone in describing the place said that the guns were 'wheel to wheel' along it. Actually they were not as thick as all that, but there was an impressive lot of guns there all the same.

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[…] While we waited, we watched one long stream of wounded men coming back on stretchers, and the whole way along the track we passed the walking wounded. […] When we got going again, we reached a road which turned to the right. ⁴ For quite a long way it had a hessian screen beside it to prevent the Hun from seeing too much, and farther along it developed into a sunken road, where some Aussies were living. In this road we walked on what seemed to be firm mud, but when you lifted your foot the mud rose again beneath your sole like india-rubber. Later we found out the cause. A few hundred yards farther on we turned to the left into another gully, and followed it along for about eight hundred or nine hundred yards. […] After going along this makeshift communication trench for a few hundred yards we got into one of the regular trenches. ⁵ It led off a small gravel-pit ⁶ in the side of a bank. The gravel-pit was used as a dump, and a store of water-tins and bombs lay about. We had not gone far before we found that our trench had been blown in. Dead men were lying along it. Some were partly buried, with just an arm or a leg sticking out, and it was here that I came to know what that spongy feeling underfoot meant. […]

This was the support line, and its left end was on Pozieres cemetery. ⁷ It was not a bit of wonder that men were being killed like rabbits. Every shell that got into the trench simply cleaned it out, and it was easy to see how one shell could smash up a dozen men. […] After going along this makeshift communication trench for a few hundred yards we got into one of the regular trenches. It led off a small gravel-pit in the side of a bank. The gravel-pit was used as a dump, and a store of water-tins and bombs lay about. We had not gone far before we found that our trench had been blown in. Dead men were lying along it. Some were partly buried, with just an arm or a leg sticking out, and it was here that I came to know what that spongy feeling underfoot meant. It was the first time I had ever scrambled over dead, and I was more than terrified; I had never before been so horrified in my life. The shelling, and the dead lying in all sorts of attitudes, were enough to send new men mad. […]

[…] In all my experience before or since, I've never seen men so closely packed in a trench. This was the support line, and its left end was on Pozieres cemetery. It was not a bit of wonder that men were being killed like rabbits. Every shell that got into the trench simply cleaned it out, and it was easy to see how one shell could smash up a dozen men. It was only with the greatest difficulty that I could force my way along.

[C]rowded into a few shell-holes, we were not very well protected, and one shell could easily have got a dozen men. This did happen an hour after we entered the trench—about twelve of the 2nd Division men were killed. The trench we came into was the famous K Trench, the only communication trench leading from Pozieres towards the extreme left flank, which was now the point where the Army was thrusting. Just in front of that flank the Germans held Mouquet Farm, a very strong position-a maze of dugouts under the rubble heaps of a once prosperous French farm, which the Australians had attacked several times without success. The object of it all was to get behind Thiepval, still held by the Germans. After going along K Trench for a few yards we came to another famous trench, Tom's Cut, and were told to get in there and settle down.

End notes

1. 6 Brigade War Diary July 1916 (Accessed: 28 July 2022)
2. Hampton, Pozieres 1916, p97
3. Part of 4/Brigade, 2/Division
4. Contalmaison road
5. Likely to be ‘K’ or Kay Trench
6. This appears to be off ‘K’ or Kay Trench half way between the road and the churchyard.
7. On page 39, Rule writes the ‘trench we came into was the famous K Trench, the only communication trench leading from Pozieres towards the extreme left flank, which was now the point where the Army was thrusting.’ This is the trench where it is believed James Neely was killed.

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In memoriam

In his diary Charles Bean recorded, with a margin note, '29th July attack'.

'Pozières has been a terrible sight all day … One knows that the Brigades who went in last night were there today in that insatiable factory of ghastly wounds. The men were simply turned in there as into some ghastly giant mincing machine. They have to stay there while shell after huge shell descends with a shriek close beside them … each shrieking tearing crash bringing a promise to each man – instantaneous – I will tear you into ghastly wounds – I will rend your flesh and pulp an arm or a leg – fling you half a gaping quivering man (like those that you see smashed around you one by one) to lie there rotting and blackening like all the things you saw by the awful roadside, or in that sickening dusty crater.' Records of C E W Bean, Official Historian July-August 1916 p.110 or p.91 on pdf (Accessed: 01 July 2019)

Somewhere in this maelstrom of shells and bullets James NEELY was one of 3000 Australian casualties in the unsuccessful attack on Pozières Heights. The battle continued until 7 August 1916 when the 350 yards of the Old German trenches were taken. The Second Division lost 6,848 killed, including 440 from the 24th Battalion.

James was buried on the battle field by Rev. Walter Ernest DEXTER 1 and his grave was subsequently lost. Left: Original K trench grave markers looking as though the graves were dug where the soldier fell. Photographed in 1917 AWM E00997

Left: General William Birdwood at the inauguration 1st Division Memorial Pozieres 8 July 1917 Source: AWM EZ0130

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Right: 1st Division Memorial Pozieres - undated Source: AWM A02192

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Villers Bretonneux National Memorial

Above: James Neely reported as missing on the Villers Bretonneux Memorial

The author was fortunate and privileged to be at Villers Bretonneux for the Dawn Service on Anzac Day 2018 and the national remembrance service for the centenary of the end of the Great War, when these photographs were taken. Left: James Neely's memorial card Both Author: 23 April 2018

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Melbourne memorials

James was awarded 1914/15 Star, the Victory and British War Medal with the Memorial Scroll being sent to Charlotte NEELY on 11 August 1922. On 17 October 1922, his mother received the Victory Medal at 39 Molesworth Street, North Melbourne.

On 09 September 1916, the family inserted a death notice.

The family posted a poignant memorial in The Age: one of very many that Saturday. Left: The Age 10 August 1918

Above: James Neely on the Errol Street honour roll With thanks to North Melbourne Primary School

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Acknowledgements and Sources:

• With thanks to Noel Macwhiter for allowing me to use Private Charles Benjamin Hall, 887 D Company, 24th Battalion AIF as an inspirational format (Accessed and by email: 30 June 2019)
• 24 Battalion War Diary September 1915 (Accessed: 01 July 2019)
• 24 Battalion War Diary July 1916 (Accessed: 01 July 2019)
• Bean CEW, Vol.III, The Australian Imperial Force in France 1916, chapter XVIII (12th Edition 19141) (Accessed 01 July 2019)
• Hampton, Meleah, Attack on the Somme - 1sr ANZAC Corps and the Battle of Pozières Ridge, 1916, Helion, Solihull, 2016
• Hampton, Meleah, The Battle of Pozieres 1916, The Australian Army Campaign Series 22, 2018
• Harvey WJ, The Red and White Diamond, The official history of the 24th Battalion Australian Imperial Force, Naval and Military Press/Imperial War Museum, reprint 2019
• Records of C E W Bean, Official Historian July-August 1916 (Accessed 01 July 2019)
• Rule, Edgar John, Jacka’s Mob: a narrative of the Great War, complied by Johnson, Carl and Barnes, Andrew, Melbourne Military, Prahran, 1999 pp.25-27
• WE Dexter's service record (Accessed: 01 July 2019)
• The Age, Melbourne of 1 September 1950 in Trove (Accessed: 01 July 2019)

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Chaplain 2nd Class Lt. Col. Walter Ernest DEXTER DSO, MC, DCM, MiD (2), MA ... ... was born 31 August 1873 at Birkenhead, England and enlisted as a Church of England clergyman from St Barnabas' Vicarage, Montague Street, South Melbourne. He was a recently married man aged 41 years. As a trooper in Lumsden's Horse, he fought in South Africa from 19 February 1900 to 11 January 1901 being awarded the DCM, the Queen's South Africa Medal with Cape Colony, Orange Free State and Transvaal clasps and was Mentioned in Lord Roberts' Dispatches of 4 September 1901. There is no citation for the DCM, however the commanding officer's general citation reads: 'The men I have recommended to this decoration behaved splendidly throughout the campaign, and did many individual plucky actions. They were the pick of my scouts and were always selected when any difficult or dangerous duty had to be performed.' Two incidents however must have played a significant part in the award; Lumsden's Horse was in the vanguard of the advance on Elandsfontein, a Boer railway centre. Lumsden, as the advance guard commander, had only five companies at his disposal. The Boers were using telegraph wires to report British actions and perhaps direct artillery fire. Private Dexter rode forward under heavy fire, climbed a telegraph pole and cut the communication wires. Other authorities have cited the action at Karee Siding, on 29 March, when a party Lumsden's Horse were cut off and had to fight their way out, suffering 50% casualties.

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Lumdsen's Horse was a volunteer Indian Mounted Infantry Corps. The Corps left Calcutta 250 strong in February 1900 to take part in the Second Boer War, under the command of Field Marshal Lord Roberts. The Corps took part in the march to Bloemfontein, the occupation of Johannesburg and Pretoria, the pursuit of de Wet, and the Barberton & De Kaap campaigns against the Boers. They were attached to a mounted infantry (MI) corps commanded by Colonel Ross, which consisted of 240 Lumsden's Horse, 220 Loch's Horse, 220 West Riding and Oxford Light Infantry MI, and 420 of the 8th Battalion Regular MI. After studying for a BA Melbourne University, Dexter gained his Masters degree in Theology as an Exhibition Scholar at Durham University and a Diploma in Education at St Bede's Durham. His first parish was in Sale UK. He enlisted on 8 September 1914 and was appointed Chaplain 4th Class leaving Australia on HMAT A3 Orvieto. On 21 October he became the first Padre to land in Gallipoli with 5th Battalion. His Attestation Papers record: 27/8/15    appointed as Senior Chaplain to 2nd Infantry Brigade on 27 August 1915 16/12/16  Temp attached from 5th Bn 1st Division to 1st A[ustralian]C[asualty] C[learing]S[tation] at Anzac 19/12/15  Re-joined unit at Lemnos 2/2/16     Chaplain 4th Class to temporary Chaplain 3rd Class as Senior Chaplain to ANZAC Corps 11/1/16   Awarded DSO for distinguished service in the field [in Gallipoli] recorded in the Fourth Supplement No.29438 London Gazette 11 January 1916 30/4/16   On strength of 1st ANZAC [Corps] 8/9/16     Chaplain 3rd Class (temporary) without additional pay or allowances 29/11/16 Detached from HQ to AIF London at 130 Horseferry Road, Westminster SW 1/12/16   Transferred to AIF Adm HQ from 1st ANZAC Corps HQ 1/2/17     Proceeded to France being transferred from AIF HQ London to 1st Div HQ 7/8/18     Proceeded to England 8/9/18    To be Chaplain 2nd Class with rank equivalent of Major 14/9/18   Re-joined unit from temp duty UK 17/3/18   Awarded MC London Gazette Supplement Number 30716 of 03 June 1918 For zeal to duty during the operations east of Ypres between 22nd September and 12th October 1917. Regardless of personal risk he visited the troops, ministered to the wounded, attended burial parties and helped collect wounded - also for his general good service and consistently good influence with the troops. 22/10/18 To be Chaplain 2nd Class (Honorary) 22/12/18 To Admin HQ London from 1st Div HQ 7/1/19     To Cobham Hall hospital Kent sick 18/7/19   To Belgrade Square 27/1/20   On leave 4/9/20     Mentioned in Dispatches acknowledged Above: An extract from WE Dexter's service record

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On 06 March 1920 Dexter sailed for Australia per HMAT A3 Orvieto with his wife Dora, four children and nurse disembarking in Melbourne on 14 April 1920 to live at Wonga, Maude Street, North Brighton. Before his appointment was terminated on 18 July 1920, Dexter lectured for the National War Memorial Funds. He was retired from the lists on 23 April 1936 as Chaplain 2nd Class, equivalent to Lieutenant Colonel. Dexter died suddenly on 31 August 1950, his 77th birthday. The next day The Age's obituary reported: Rev. Walter Ernest Dexter, one of Australia's most highly decorated padres, died suddenly at his home in Forster-avenue, East Malvern, yesterday on his 77th birthday. Mr. Dexter had a distinguished career, including long service as a padre both in the A.I.F. and the maritime service [He was a master mariner]. The first padre to land on Gallipoli, Mr. Dexter won the D.S.O. there. He also won the M.C. in France during World War I, and the D.C.M. in the Boer War as a trooper. Mr. Dexter served his early years as a Church of England minister at Sale. Born at Birkenhead, England, he gained a degree in Theology and a diploma of education at Durham University. Left: WE Dexter with ribbons, shortly before his death. Source: Dexter family He was president of the Ship Lovers' Society whose members will pay tribute to his memory at & service in All Saints' Church, East Malvern, at 3 p.m. today. He retired from the Church of England recently, but still took services. Mr. Dexter is survived by his wife; five sons and a daughter - Walter (Bill), David, John (deceased), Stephen, Barrie, Paul and Geraldine. The funeral will leave for the Springvale Crematorium. Members of the Gallipoli Legion of Anzacs and the Legion Club of Victoria were invited to attend the service to honour the memory of [their] comrade and beloved friend Padre W E DEXTER D.S.O., M.C., D.C.M.. Whilst at Pozières CEW Bean met and travelled with Dexter on several occasions. He wrote in his diary, On 1 corner & 1 road near here (50 yds away) is Major Dexters coffee station (w two men on watch all day & all night to give coffee to anyone who wants it - & a policeman who stops stragglers). Source: Records of C E W Bean, Official Historian July-August 1916 p 71 or 60 on pdf (Accessed: 01 July 2019) Sources: With additional research by Heather Schoffelen A full biography of WE Dexter can be read at the National ANZAC Centre (Accessed: 09 July 2019) The Australian Boer War Memorial (Accessed: 09 July 2019)

This page was created by Richard Crompton and maintained by Chris Glass		Version A13 Updated 23 September 2023